Standing on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.,
on August 28, 1963, Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered what is regarded today
as one of the greatest speeches in American history. King himself seemed to
sense the historic importance of the moment as he opened his “I Have a Dream”
speech by calling the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom “the greatest
demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.” The landmark protest,
which drew more than 200,000 people, announced a turning point in the civil
rights movement and set the stage for the movement’s two most important
legislative achievements, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights
Act of 1965.
“I Have a Dream”
By Martin Luther King, Jr.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in
history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic
shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous
decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had
been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak
to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One
hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the
manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years
later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast
ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still
languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his
own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a
check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the
Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a
promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a
promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed
the 'unalienable Rights' of 'Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.' It is
obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as
her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred
obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has
come back marked 'insufficient funds.'
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is
bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great
vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a
check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of
justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of
the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling
off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make
real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and
desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the
time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid
rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's
children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of
the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will
not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality.
Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that
the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude
awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither
rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship
rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our
nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who
stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process
of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us
not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of
bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane
of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate
into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights
of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro
community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our
white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize
that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize
that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always
march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights,
'When will you be satisfied?' We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is
the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be
satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain
lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be
satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York
believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we
will not be satisfied until 'justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness
like a mighty stream.'
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of
great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail
cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest—quest for freedom
left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of
police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to
work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to
Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia,
go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities,
knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you
today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and
tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American
dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and
live out the true meaning of its creed: 'We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created equal.'
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the
sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit
down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a
state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of
oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day
live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but
by the content of their character. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its
vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of
'interposition' and 'nullification'—one day right there in Alabama little black
boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and
white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted,
and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made
plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; 'and the glory of the Lord
shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.'
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to
the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain
of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the
jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With
this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle
together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing
that we will be free one day.
And
this will be the day—this will be the day when all of God's children will be
able to sing with new meaning: My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty,
of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become
true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New
Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of
Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And
when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every
village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to
speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men,
Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and
sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!
Source: © Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr.
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